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ÄÅËÔÉÏ ôùí 11
: 28, 2008 12:58 am
: ÌðáñÜê ÏìðÜìá ìðïñåß íá åßíáé ï ôåëåõôáßïò ðñüåäñïò ôùí ÇÐÁ
Ëßãï ðñéí ôçí ëáúêÞ «åðáíÜóôáóç» óôéò ÇíùìÝíåò Ðïëéôåßåò.
Óðýñïò ×áôæÜñáò
¼ôáí ç ÊáñäéÜ ôïõ «óõóôÞìáôïò» âñßóêåôáé óå óïâáñÞ êñßóç, ïé «ðáèïëüãïé» ôïõ Tavistock Institute, óõíéóôïýí, « íá ðÜñåôå Ýíáí ðüëåìï». Óôéò ðåñéðôþóåéò ðïõ «ôï öÜñìáêï», äåí åßíáé Ýôïéìï ç èåñáðåßá ìðïñåß íá áñ÷ßóåé ìå «ìéá óïâáñÞ ðïëéôéêÞ êñßóç» ,êÜèå 4 þñåò.
Óôéò ÇÐÁ, ïé Ýöçâïé Ý÷ïõí ðÜøåé íá «êÜíïõí üíåéñá» åäþ êáé ðïëëÜ ÷ñüíéá. Ó÷åôéêÜ ðñüóöáôá, åêáôïììýñéá Üíèñùðïé Ý÷ïõí ÷Üóåé ôç äïõëåéÜ ôïõò, åêáôïíôÜäåò ÷éëéÜäåò Ý÷ïõí ÷Üóåé ôá óðßôéá ôïõò, åêáôïììýñéá Üëëïé Ý÷ïõí ÷Üóåé ôéò êáôáèÝóåéò ôïõò, óå «åðåíäõôéêÜ ðáôóáâïõñü÷áñôá», êáé åêáôïììýñéá ðåéíÜíå.
Ùóôüóï, ôá «ðáéäéÜ ðïõ Ý÷áóáí ôá üíåéñÜ ôïõò», äåí âñßóêïíôáé óôïõò äñüìïõò ôçò ÍÝáò Õüñêçò, ôïõ ÓéêÜãï, ôïõ ÓçÜôë ìå ìïëüôïö, íá êáßíå áõôïêßíçôá, êáé ìáãáæéÜ.
ºóùò åðåéäÞ, ï ÌåãÜëïò Áäåëöüò êáé ôï Tavistock Institute, áãñõðíïýí. ÂñÞêáí ôçí äéðëÞ ðáñáëëáãÞ ÏìðÜìá-×ßëáñé, ôçí Ýðáéîáí 1-2-×, êáé ðñïò ôï ðáñüí. üëïé ðåñéìÝíïõí, ìÞðùò äïõí êáé áõôïß, ôï üíåéñï ôïõ ÏìðÜìá.
¸íáò ðáëéüò ãíùóôüò áðü ôç Ìüó÷á ,ï Igor Panarin, (êáèçãçôÞò ôüôå, êáé ôþñá ðñýôáíçò ôçò ñùóéêÞò äéðëùìáôéêÞò Áêáäçìßáò), åß÷å ðñïâëÝøåé ôï 1998 óå Ýíá åðéêïéíùíéáêü óõíÝäñéï óôçí Áõóôñßá, ôçí êáôÜññåõóÞ êáé ôç äéÜëõóç ôùí ÇíùìÝíùí Ðïëéôåéþí.
Ôþñá ôïí èõìÞèçêáí, êáé ôïí êõíçãÜíå ôá ÌÌÅ ãéá óõíåíôåýîåéò.
Ç áíÜëõóç ôïõ Panarin, üðùò ìïõ ôçí åß÷å áíáðôýîåé , Þôáí óôçñéãìÝíç óå ôåôñÜãùíç ëïãéêÞ. Ç ïéêïíïìéêÞ áíÜðôõîç, ìå âÜóç ôá êÝñäç áðü ôïõò ôüêïõò, êáé ôéò õðåñáîßåò ôùí ÷ñåïãñÜöùí, äåí ìðïñïýóå íá åßíáé ãñáììéêÞ áëëÜ êõêëéêÞ. Ç âïõëéìßá ôùí ôïêïãëýöùí ( ôñáðåæéôþí) êáé ç áßóèçóç ôçò ìïíïêñáôïñßáò, (ìåôÜ ôç íßêç åðß ôçò ÓïâéåôéêÞò Åíþóåùò), áëëÜ êáé ç øåõäáßóèçóç üôé ç åðÝêôáóç óôéò «ðáãêüóìéåò áãïñÝò» èá áðïññïöïýóå ôïí «áÝñá», èá ïäçãïýóå ôï êáôåóôçìÝíï ôçò «áíáôïëéêÞò áêôÞò» óôá ßäéá ëÜèç ôïõ 1929.
Ôï íÝï êñÜ÷ Þôáí åðéóôçìïíéêÜ áíáìåíüìåíï. Êáé ðñïâëÝøéìï.
Ç äéáöïñÜ ôïõ ôüôå, ìå ôï ôþñá, åßíáé üôé óôïí ðáãêüóìéï ïéêïíïìéêü óôßâï, ç «ôñïôóêéóôéêÞ ðáñÝá» ÍÝáò Õüñêçò-Ëïíäßíïõ, äåí Ý÷åé äßðëá ôçò ôç «ÂñåôáíéêÞ Áõôïêñáôïñßá», êáé äåí åëÝã÷åé ôéò ðñþôåò ýëåò.
Ç êáôá÷ñåùìÝíç õðåñäýíáìç, (ÇÐÁ) óýìöùíá ìå ôï ãåùðïëéôéêü èåþñçìá ðïý ëÝåé üôé, üôáí ìéá ìåãÜëç äýíáìç óõóóùñåýåé ÷ñÝïò, áõôü ïäçãåß ôåëéêþò åßôå óå ìáêñï÷ñüíéá õøçëü ðëçèùñéóìü åßôå óå (ðáãêüóìéï) Ðüëåìï, èá Ýðñåðå íá ïäçãçèåß óå, Ýíáí « ðëçèùñéóìü ÂåéìÜñçò», Þ íá ëÜâåé «Ýêôáêôá ìÝôñá».
Ïé ðåñéöåñåéáêÝò ðñïóðÜèåéåò, ( «11ç Óåðôåìâñßïõ» , « Ðáãêüóìéïò Ðüëåìïò êáôÜ ôçò ôñïìïêñáôßáò», « ÁöãáíéóôÜí», «åéóâïëÞ óôï ÉñÜê», « êñßóç óôïí Êáýêáóï», áëëÜ êáé «êáôÜññåõóÞ ÷ñçìáôéóôçñßùí óôçí Üðù ÁíáôïëÞ», « êåñäïóêïðßá ìå ôï ðåôñÝëáéï, ôá ôñüöéìá êáé ôá öÜñìáêá», äåí ìðüñåóáí íá äéïñèþóïõí ôá âáóéêÜ óôïé÷åßá ôçò êñßóçò, êáé üðùò êáé ôï 1929, ôñýðçóáí ôç öïýóêá, âãÜæïíôáò áðü ôçí « ðñßæá», ôçí Lehman Brothers, ãéá íá ôá öÜíå ïé áðü ôïõò äáíåéóôÝò ôïõò êáé íá îåöýãïõí áðü ôïí ïéêïíïìéêü ôïõò. Ýëåã÷ï äçìéïõñãþíôáò ðáñÜëëçëá ôï «óêçíéêü», ãéá ìéá íÝá ðáãêüóìéá ïéêïíïìéêÞ ÔÜîç .
ÂáóéêÜ ãéá íá äéáãñÜøïõí ôï ÷ñÝïò ôïõò , áêïëïõèþíôáò ôéò ðñùôüôõðåò éäÝåò ôùí ÃéïõãêïóëÜâùí Êïììïõíéóôþí, ðïõ äéÝëõóáí ôç ÷þñá ôïõò ãéá íá áðïöýãïõí íá áðïðëçñþóïõí ôï óõóóùñåõìÝíï åîùôåñéêü ÷ñÝïò.
Ç ÏõÜóéíãêôïí ãéá íá áðïöýãåé ôçí áðïðëçñùìÞ ôïõ ÷ñÝïõò ôçò, èá ôï áðáîéþóåé ìå ôïí ðëçèùñéóìü ôï äïëÜñéï ðïõ èá ñßîåé êáôáêüñõöá ôçí áîßá ôïõ. Ôá ïìüëïãá ðïõ êáôÝ÷ïõí ç Êßíá êáé ç Éáðùíßá èá áðáîéùèïýí êáé èá áðïðëçñùèïýí ìå ôï íÝï íüìéóìá ôï «ÁìÝñï», ôçò NAFTA , ðïõ Ý÷åé óõìöùíçèåß áðü ôï 2006 ìå ôïí ÊáíáäÜ êáé ôï Ìåîéêü. ÐáñÜëëçëá ïñéóìÝíïé èåùñçôéêïß ðñïôåßíïõí, Ýíá íÝï êáíüíá ôïõ ÷ñõóïý, õðïëïãßæïíôáò ôçí ïõãéÜ óå 8-9000 äïëÜñéá. Ç ðñïôåéíüìåíç ç åðéèõìçôÞ éóïôéìßá, åßíáé äçëáäÞ 1 åõñþ ìå 140 äïëëÜñéá.
Âñéóêüìáóôå ëïéðüí óôï óçìåßï ìçäÝí.
Ç Êßíá Ý÷åé ôá ìåãáëýôåñá óõíáëëáãìáôéêÜ áðïèÝìáôá, êáé åßíáé ï ìåãáëýôåñïò äáíåéóôÞò ôùí ÇíùìÝíùí Ðïëéôåéþí. Äåýôåñïò äáíåéóôÞò åßíáé ç Éáðùíßá. Ç Ñùóßá üðùò êáé ïé Üëëåò ðåôñåëáéïðáñáãùãÝò ÷þñåò, êáôÝ÷åé êáé äéáôçñåß, äéóåêáôïììýñéá ôùí äéóåêáôïììõñßùí äïëÜñéá.
Ïé ÇÐÁ êáé ïé Ôñáðåæßôåò ôçò áíáôïëéêÞò áêôÞò, áíáæçôïýí, ìéá íÝá äéåèíÞ óõìöùíßá ,ìå êÝíôñï ôï ÄÍÔ. Ìüíï ðïõ ôá êåöÜëáéá ãéá ôç ìåôáôñïðÞ ôïõ óå êÝíôñï ôïõ äéåèíïýò óõóôÞìáôïò, äåí ìðïñïýí ðéá íá ðñïÝëèïõí áðü ôéò ÇÐÁ, ðïõ áðåõèýíèçêáí óôçí Êßíá, ôçí Éáðùíßá, ôç Ñùóßá, êáé ôçí Åõñþðç, ( ìå áõôÞ ôç óåéñÜ) ãéá íá ðñïóöÝñïõí ôá êåöÜëáéá. ÅðïìÝíùò ïé ÇÐÁ èá ðÜøïõí íá åßíáé ï ðáãêüóìéïò ñõèìéóôÞò, ôá èá áíôéêáôáóôáèïýí áðü ôçí Êßíá ôç Ñùóßá êáé ßóùò ôçí Éáðùíßá. Ôüôå ïé «ôñáðåæßôåò» èá áëëÜîïõí õðçêïüôçôá, êáé ïé ôñÜðåæåò, Ýäñá. Ç ðáãêïóìéïðïßçóç, (ôïõ ôñáðåæéêïý êåöáëáßïõ) èá ìåßíåé æùíôáíÞ.
Óå áõôÜ ôá ó÷Ýäéá, ôçò ðáãêïóìéïðïßçóçò ôùí ôñáðåæéôþí, áíôéäñïýí ïé «áìåñéêáíüöñïíåò», äçëáäÞ ïé õðïóôçñéêôÝò ôïõ åèíéêïý êñÜôïõò, ðïõ âñßóêïíôáé âáóéêÜ óôéò Ýíïðëåò äõíÜìåéò êáé ôéò ìõóôéêÝò õðçñåóßåò, áëëÜ êáé óôéò êïéíùíéêÝò ïñãáíþóåéò ðïõ ìÜ÷ïíôáé ôçí ðáãêïóìéïðïßçóç . Ç äýíáìÞ ôïõò öÜíçêå óôçí êáôáøÞöéóç áðü ôï ÊïãêñÝóï ôïõ ðñþôïõ ðáêÝôïõ Ðüëóïí.
Óôï äéáäßêôõï ìðïñåß íá âñåé êáíåßò åêáôïíôÜäåò éóôïóåëßäåò êáé ÷éëéÜäåò « ÷þñïõò äéáëüãïõ» ðïõ êáôáããÝëëïõí ôï «ÁìÝñï» ùò áíôß áìåñéêáíéêÞ óõíùìïóßá, êáé ðñïâëÝðïõí üôé ìå ôçí åéóáãùãÞ ôïõ èá êáôáëõèåß ôï áìåñéêáíéêü êñÜôïò êáé ç ïìïóðïíäßá.
Ï Igor Panarin óå óõíÝíôåõîç ôïõ óôçí Izvestia (24 Íïåìâñßïõ) óçìåßùóå: «Ôï äïëÜñéï äåí êáëýðôåôáé áðü ôßðïôá, ôï áìåñéêáíéêü åîùôåñéêü ÷ñÝïò áõîÜíåôáé óáí ÷éïíïóôéâÜäá. ÁõôÞ ç êáôÜóôáóç äçìéïõñãåß ìéá ðõñáìßäá, ç ïðïßá ðñÝðåé íá êáôáññåýóåé. Ç ïéêïíïìéêÞ êñßóç èá åðéäåéíùèåß, ç áíåñãßá èá áõîçèåß êáé ïé Üíèñùðïé èá ÷Üóïõí ôéò áðïôáìéåýóåéò ôïõò. Ç ëáúêÞ äõóáñÝóêåéá èá áõîÜíåôáé , áí êáé ðñïò ôï ðáñüí óõãêñáôåßôáé áðü ôçí åëðßäá üôé ï ÌðáñÜê ÏìðÜìá ìðïñåß íá êÜíåé èáýìáôá. ÌåôÜ ôçí Üíïéîç, üìùò , èá åßíáé óáöÝò üôé äåí õðÜñ÷ïõí èáýìáôá. Ï ðëçèùñéóìüò, ç áíåñãßá êáé öôþ÷åéá , èá ïäçãÞóïõí óôçí êïéíùíéêÞ áíáôáñá÷Þ, êáé ôüôå èá åíåñãïðïéçèïýí ïé ðáñÜãïíôåò ðïõ èá ðñïêáëÝóïõí ôçí áðïóýíèåóç ôçò ÷þñáò»
ºóùò äçëáäÞ, ï ÌðáñÜê ÏìðÜìá íá åßíáé ï ôåëåõôáßïò ðñüåäñïò ôùí ÇÐÁ .
Óýìöùíá ìå ôçí áíÜëõóç ôïõ Ðáíáñßí, ç ðïëéôåßá ôïõ ÔÝîáò, óôçí ïðïßá ç áõôïíïìéóôéêÝò «óêÝøåéò» åßíáé ðÜíôá åðßêáéñåò, êáé ç äõôéêÞ áêôÞ, üðïõ ðëåéïøåß ðéá ç êéíåæéêÞ êïéíüôçôá, êáé ï Éóðáíüöùíïò ( ðëÝïí) Íüôïò, åßíáé ôá ðéï « èåñìÜ óçìåßá».Ï Ðáíáñßí, õðïãñÜììéóå ìÜëéóôá ( êáé áõôü Ý÷åé îå÷ùñéóôÞ óçìáóßá) üôé ç Êßíá, åöáñìüæåé óõãêåêñéìÝíç ðïëéôéêÞ ðñïóÝããéóçò ôçò êïéíüôçôáò ôçò äõôéêÞò áêôÞò. ÅÜí îåêéíÞóïõí ïé áõôïíïìéóôéêÝò ðïëéôéêÝò , ôüôå, ç áããëïóáîùíéêÞ ÁíáôïëéêÞ ÁêôÞ, èá äéáëÝîåé ôï äéêü ôçò äñüìï, êáé èá ðñÝðåé ïé ðïëéôåßåò ðïõ åßíáé êïíôÜ óôïí ÊáíáäÜ êáé ôï Midwest, íá äéáëÝîïõí « ìå ðïéïõò èá ðáí êáé ðïéïõò èá áöÞóïõí».
Ôï ðéï åêðëçêôéêü, åßíáé üôé èÝôåé, æÞôçìá êõñéüôçôáò ôçò ÁëÜóêáò, ôïíßæïíôáò üôé ï ÔóÜñïò äåí ôçí ðïýëçóå áëëÜ ôçí ìßóèùóå, êáé ãé' áõôü « ç Ñùóßá èá ìðïñïýóå íá áðáßôçóç ôçí åðéóôñïöÞ ôçò, ìå ôç ëÞîç ôçò ìéóèþóåùò».
Ç ëýóç ãéá ôïõò «ÔñïôóêéóôÝò ôñáðåæßôåò » ôçò áíáôïëéêÞò áêôÞò, åßíáé, üðùò êáôáããÝëëïõí ïé « ðáôñéþôåò», ç áíôéêáôÜóôáóç ôùí ÇÐÁ áðü ôéò «ÅíùìÝíåò Ðïëéôåßåò ôçò Âïñåßïõ ÁìåñéêÞò», ôçí ðïëéôéêÞ ïìðñÝëá äçëáäÞ ôçò NAFTA.
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The amero conspiracy. Inside a paranoid vision for our time.
Behind closed doors, a secret cabal is planning the end of the United States as we know it.
Tim Lane for The Boston Globe
November 25, 2007
SINCE HE BEGAN his presidential campaign, Republican candidate Mitt Romney has held more than 125 "Ask Mitt Anything" town hall forums, and the people who have shown up for them have done their best to make the events live up to their name. There have been questions about medical marijuana, about abolishing the income tax, about Romney's Mormonism and his potential vice president.
More stories like thisOf course, certain topics come up more than others. One is healthcare. Another is Iraq. A third is the North American Union.
The North American Union is a supranational organization, modeled on the European Union, that will soon fuse Canada, the United States, and Mexico into a single economic and political unit. The details are still being worked out by the countries' leaders, but the NAU's central governing body will have the power to nullify the laws of its member states. Goods and people will flow among the three countries unimpeded, aided by a network of continent-girdling superhighways. The US and Canadian dollars, along with the peso, will be phased out and replaced by a common North American currency called the amero.
If you haven't heard about the NAU, that may be because its plotters have succeeded in keeping it secret. Or, more likely, because there is no such thing. Government officials say a continental union is out of the question, and economists and political analysts overwhelmingly agree that there will not be a North American Union in our lifetimes. But belief in the NAU - that the plans are very real, and that the nation is poised to lose its independence - has been spreading from its origins in the conservative fringe, coloring political press conferences and candidate question-and-answer sessions, and reaching a kind of critical mass on the campaign trail. Republican presidential candidate and Texas congressman Ron Paul has made the North American Union one of his central issues.
As fears of the mythical NAU grow, they appear to be subtly shaping more mainstream debates about immigration and trade. Paul's fellow Republican congressman Virgil Goode introduced a congressional resolution early this year to block the creation of the NAU and the "NAFTA Superhighway System." Similar resolutions have been introduced in several state legislatures - in Montana's case, the resolution passed nearly unanimously. And back in July, the US House of Representatives easily approved a measure that would cut off federal funds for an existing trade group set up by the three countries.
The NAU may be the quintessential conspiracy theory for our time, according to scholars studying what the historian Richard Hofstadter famously called the "paranoid style" in American politics. The theory elegantly weaves old fears and new realities into one coherent and all-encompassing plan, and gives a glimpse of where, politically, many Americans are right now: alarmed over immigration, worried about globalization, and - on both sides of the partisan divide - suspicious of the Bush administration's expansive understanding of executive power.
The belief in an imminent North American Union, says Mark Fenster, a law professor at the University of Florida and author of a 2001 book on conspiracy theories, "reflects the particular ways in which Americans feel besieged economically, powerless politically, and alienated socially."
more stories like this
As a social anxiety, the NAU's roots run deep. Global government and elites who secretly sell out their own citizenry have long been staples of conspiracy theories, thanks in part to the Book of Revelation's warning that world government will be an early indicator of the Apocalypse. Over the centuries, the world's puppeteers have been thought to be, in turn, the Bavarian Illuminati, the Freemasons, the pope, the Jews, international bankers, the League of Nations, the United Nations, the Rockefellers, and the Communist International.
For most of the 20th century, American conspiracy theories tended to focus on communist infiltration of the upper echelons of the US government. The founder of the John Birch Society, a leading source of such imagined schemes, accused President Dwight Eisenhower and Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, among many others, of being communist agents.
The dissolution of the Soviet Union, the one country that has actually challenged American global preeminence in the postwar period, forced a conceptual adjustment among the conspiracy-minded. In the past two decades, the United Nations and trade groups like the World Trade Organization have figured more prominently in their dark visions. "In the 1990s in particular, with the militia movement, you had all the rumors of black helicopters and jackbooted UN troops," says Chip Berlet, an analyst at the liberal, Somerville-based think tank Political Research Associates. "There was this sense that the secret elites behind the UN were the same secret elites who had been behind the Soviet Union."
Recently, other threads have emerged. The 1994 birth of NAFTA gave new strength to worries that free trade would cripple the American middle class. In the past two years, immigration has once again thrust itself into the national political discussion. And the once-mighty dollar has entered a steady decline that shows no signs of ending - in sharp contrast to the strength of the euro, the new currency of an economically united Europe.
In March 2005, those seemingly disparate worries found a banner under which they could unite. President Bush, along with then-President Vicente Fox of Mexico and then-Prime Minister Paul Martin of Canada, held a summit in Waco, Texas, and announced the creation of the Security and Prosperity Partnership, a framework for greater continental cooperation on trade and security issues.
Alarmed at the fact that the United States had entered into the arrangement without explicit congressional approval, and by what they saw as a lack of public detail about the meetings, a few conservative activists became convinced that the SPP was the first step in a secret plan to dissolve the three nations into one continental unit. Their suspicions were further inflamed when, two months later, a working group at the Council on Foreign Relations, a think tank long viewed with suspicion by the conspiratorial fringe, published a report called "Building a North American Community." The report recommended the establishment of a common North American security perimeter, the development of biometric North American border passes, and the adoption of a common North American tariff.
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The idea to form the North American Union as a super-NAFTA knitting together Canada, the United States and Mexico into a super-regional political and economic entity was a key agreement resulting from the March 2005 meeting held at Baylor University in Waco, Tex., between President Bush, President Fox and Prime Minister Martin.
A joint statement published by the three presidents following their Baylor University summit announced the formation of an initial entity called, "The Security and Prosperity Partnership of North America" (SPP). The joint statement termed the SPP a "trilateral partnership" that was aimed at producing a North American security plan as well as providing free market movement of people, capital, and trade across the borders between the three NAFTA partners.
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